THe importance of art education within our society and educational Essay

THe importance of art education within our society and educational systems - Essay Example In these regards, one might consider the purpose behind including mathematics in education. In great part, individuals will never directly use the mathematical skills they gain in real life situations, however the challenge and process of solving the equations can be transferred to challenges later in life; in the same regards, an art education can be implemented in future careers and life scenarios. In addition to the importance art education has for developing skills, I also believe it is important as it imbues students with a sense of cultural appreciation. When one considers that in great part the function of museums that exhibit art is to highlight the cultural significance of the specific time period or cultural milieu in which the work was created, it is clear that learning about and understanding art is important for the very fabric of society. In this respect, art appreciation allows individuals an added perspective into the historical nature of past and current cultures. Th is appreciation makes individuals more intelligent and open-minded, benefitting both themselves and the world in which they live.

The Implication Of Nigerian Democracy History Essay

The Implication Of Nigerian Democracy History Essay Abraham Lincoln in his immortal Gettysburg address may have defined democracy as government of the people, by the people and for the people, but anybody with eyes on either side of the nose of course knows that the late great president of the United States did not have the Nigerian brand of democracy in mind when he formulated that definition. What passes for democracy in Nigeria has nothing at all to do with people. It is quite simply government of ghosts, by ghosts, and for ghosts. A situation where 150 million Nigerians cannot set eyes on their so-called president for 100 days and counting sums up the vast ghost town that the land has been turned into via the grossly abused name of democracy. A secret society is what democratic practice in Nigeria has been turned into. The ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is quite adept at using the word people to deceive people. But some Nigerians are effectively wising up to the fact. For instance, in the recent re-run gubernatorial election in the rebel state of Anambra, when the PDP cried Power to the people! the real people ran away to Peter Obis All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) leaving only ghosts to vote for the PDP! Not even Professor Maurice Iwus Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) could account for the fingerprints of the secret ghosts that massively voted for the PDP in that election!   It is in the character of this spooky practice of democracy that Nigeria now boasts of two half-presidents. In the abracadabra sense of the more you look the less you see there is the invisible president that nobody sees and the acting president who as his title implies merely acts, an ordinary actor just like that funny man Mr. Ibu of Nollywood! Not even the best writers of magical realism or science fiction can configure the phenomenon of Nigerias two half-presidents. It is against this phantasmagoric background that a body that calls itself the Isekiri, Urhobo and Isoko Democratic Union issued a release that runs thus: The chaotic melodramatic farce enacted at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja, by military personnel on Wednesday, during the reurn of our ailing President Umaru Musa YarAdua from his 90-day absence without leave (AWOL) can best be described as a dance macabre. That a whole President sneaked into his own country in an ambulance and was hurriedly transferred into another ambulance and taken straight to Aso Rock, without informing the Acting President, speaks volumes about the relentless nefarious activities of the infamous cabal that has held the nation to ransom since the President took ill and was flown to Saudi Arabia. The open and naked show of brute force exhibited by military personnel, who chased and horse-whipped innocent Nigerians from the vicinity is another testament that our nascent democracy is being held ca ptive by a tiny but powerful cabal.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     As is the case in the mafia, Acting President Goodluck Jonathan has just been remotely controlled to administer the oath of secrecy, aka Omerta, on his ministers. It is now a democracy of speechlessness, just like in any other secret cult. Minister of Information and Communication Professor Dora Akunyili who had been quite communicating on the incommunicado of the sitting president that necessitated the acting president caper has thus been silenced, much to the applause of the cabal on the jugular of Nigeria. The feudal juggernauts claiming to represent the North are not entirely pacified as they are insisting that the Nigerian cosmos must come apart if poor Dora does not resign her post and apologize to the feudal lords. Shout Up North! ye brethren!   Dora who defers to the Blessed Sacrament as a Catholic in doing her beat will soon understand that nothing is sacred or blessed in the cultic inferno of the PDP, the quintessential secret society. It all amounts to a family affai r of man-eat-man-or-woman! As it is written in the Bible and put to song, How can we sing the Lords song in a strange land? The PDP is to all intents and purposes a strange land to personages like Dora and Jonathan. They have been told in no uncertain terms that they do not belong. What with the coffle of the PDP telling Jonathan to his face that he should not dream of contesting the 2011 presidential election! The hoary witches and wizards of the coven of the PDP have spoken! This nonsense has lasted for far too long. If there were to be a proper national election in Nigeria I daresay that the PDP can only place a poor third as happened in Anambra State. It is only the secret society code that the goons of the PDP are using to hoodwink Nigerians with their idle talk of the largest party in Africa. With the current situation of two half-presidents superintending over the affairs of the hapless nation, the time is nigh to strike at the very portals of their secrecy and open up the Nigerian society for good. The initiative of marching on Aso Rock as enunciated by the Save Nigeria Group (SNG) is a great first step. Lets all join the crusade. The presence of a distinct civilian police force, militia, or other paramilitary group everywhere may mitigate to an extent that it could intimidate this democracy. Opponents of gun-controlled regime have cited the need for a balance of power in order to enforce the civilian control of the military. Politicians who personally lack military training and experience but who seek to engage the nation in military action may risk resistance of being labeled chicken-hawks by those who disagree with their political goals. The consolidation of democracy is not simply a problem of more or lesser military prerogatives; the high level of military prerogatives there is a moral quest to reduce such privileges. For all these, members of the professional ex-military chiefs, their serving colleagues  Ã‚   and their non-uniformed supporters were participating in Nigerias nascent democracy. They stage bureaucratic bargaining process of the states policy-making apparatus; engaging in regulatory support and at the same time, attempt to restrict the policy options of elected officials when it comes to military matters. Since Nigerias 1999 recovery from authoritarian rule, members of the police and military were not constitutionally prohibited from voting. Other significant law did not bar organizations advocating the overthrow of the government from participating in the political process .These measures, however, were implemented too late to prevent the militarys multiple incursions into Nigerian politics. History shows that the main reasons why democratic systems of government are overthrown are military: conquest or military coup. Strong defense is required to prevent or deter conquest, but a strong military can increase the threat of military coup, so a delicate balancing act is required. Consequently alliances with other democratic countries seem to play a crucial role as well as internal constitutional checks on the military. This paper analyses the evolution and maintenance of democracy from the perspective of the impact of military considerations. Insurgency arguably has been the greatest threat to Nigerias fledgling democracy. The activities of the JTF and the Niger Delta militants produced domestic anarchy, which directly challenged the govern ­ments legitimacy. This in turn led to the national state of emergency and the draconian governmental countermeasures cited earlier in the human rights portion of this work.   Opponents of the movement for democracy in Nigeria have sought to undermine it by on the one hand casting aspersions on the competence of the people to judge what was best for the nation and on the other condemning the basic tenets of democracy as un-Nigerian. There is nothing new in Third World governments seeking to justify and perpetuate authoritarian rule by denouncing liberal democratic principles as alien. By implication they claim for themselves the official and sole right to decide what does or does not conform to indigenous cultural norms. Such conventional propaganda aimed at consolidating the powers of the establishment has been studied, analyzed and disproved by political scientists, jurists and sociologists. But in Nigeria, distanced by several decades of isolationism from political and intellectual developments in the outside world, the people have had to draw on their own resources to explode the twin myths of their unfitness for political responsibility and the unsuitability of democracy for their society. As soon as the movement for democracy spread out across Nigeria, there was a surge of intense interest in the meaning of the word democracy, in its history and its practical implications. More than a quarter-century of narrow authoritarianism under which they had been fed pabulum of shallow, negative dogma had not blunted the perceptiveness or political alertness of the Nigerian. On the contrary, perhaps not all that surprisingly, their appetite for discussion and debate, for uncensored information and objective analysis, seemed to have been sharpened. Not only was there an eagerness to study and to absorb standard theories on modern politics and political institutions, there was also widespread and intelligent speculation on the nature of democracy as a social system of which they had had little experience but which appealed to their common-sense notions of what was due to a civilized society. There was a spontaneous interpretative response to such basic ideas as representative government, human rights and the rule of law. The privileges and freedoms which would be guaranteed by democratic institutions were contemplated with understandable enthusiasm. But the duties of those who would bear responsibility for the maintenance of a stable democracy also provoked much thoughtful consideration. It is natural that a people who have suffered much from the consequences of bad government should be preoccupied with theories of good government. But the conscious effort to make traditional knowledge relevant to contemporary needs was not confined to any particular circle it went right through Nigerian society from urban intellectuals and small shopkeepers to doughty village grandmothers. Why has Nigerian with its abundant natural and human resources failed to live up to its early promise as one of the most energetic and fastest-developing nations in Africa? International scholars have provided detailed answers supported by careful analyses of historical, cultural, political and economic factors. The Nigerian people, who have had no access to sophisticated academic material, got to the heart of the matter by turning to the words Zik spoke on the four causes of decline. In the process, the interim government could be able to concentrate on reviving the economy as well as restoring fundamental rights and liberties of the Nigerian people including the restoration of democracy through general elections. To that end, the international community must continue to apply both economic and diplomatic pressure on Nigerias military junta. This is to ensure that the junta does not end up doing what juntas are wont to do: make grand promises about restoring democracy without the slightest intention of relinquishing power to the democratically elected representatives of the people. A Historical and Qualitative Perspective Nigerias armed forces have undermined the democratic processes by either leading or directly supporting every Nigerian coup dà ©tat except one-the coup of 1995, in which civilians overthrew a military dictatorship . Surprisingly, it is not democratic elections, but the coup dà ©tat that has proven to be the most prevalent means of Nigerian transfer of government For instance, during the 1999 military to civilian rule elections, some Nigerian police officers with their Army counterparts seized polling stations, threw out candidates polling agents and stamped the ballots themselves. Critics also pointed to a lack of impartiality shown by the INEC and a failure to curb the widespread misuse of state funds by pro-military parties. There was limited time allotted for electioneering, and election rallies by anti-militarized parties were frequently banned or disrupted. The state owned media blatantly promoted the views of the military government view, and some opposition party activists were even gunned down. Complaints made to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) were ignored. At several polling stations in Port Harcourt and Lagos supporters of the military-backed candidates took control of proceedings, threatened the local observers with violence and prevented their entry into polling booths, as they tampered with the ballots. Ballots were stolen, fake ID cards were in circulation, and many postal ballots were found in unauthorized hands. At some polling stations in Wuse inside Abuja (FCT), indelible ink was missing, allowing some voters to cast more than one vote. At other locations, polling stations were changed at the last minute, or valid electoral lists were missing thus preventing legitimate voters from casting their votes. Many voters complained that their names had been omitted from the electoral lists even though they had voted in the previous elections and had not changed residence. Others complained that when they arrived at polling stations they were told that their votes had already been cast. In Abeokuta and Minna no responsible authority knew where a particular polling station was. The reforms now being championed by the Obasanjo Presidency touch the military services as vitally as they affect civil society. Among the civil populace the reforms are meant to benefit those who prefer to work for a living and not live on government patronage. By the same token, the new order is also designed to favour soldiers who would rather face their profession and define their career path in terms of excellent military service rather than political adventurism. The present dispensation affords us an opportunity to reflect on issues that are germane to the institutional coherence and operational readiness of the nations fighting forces. As Nigeria continues to undergo challenging transitions in various facets of life, key national institutions are required to build up their internal structures, capacities and processes towards defending the young democracy with courage and patriotism. The Nigerian military remains a vital national institution in this regard. It must be helped to restore those core values of cohesion, hierarchy, discipline, esprit de corps and respect for constitutional order that are the hub of professionalism. An investment in military professionalism is an investment in democracy. Under rogue military regimes, Nigeria literally missed out on opportunities for the professional development of its armed forces. It is time once again to build up our military into a formidable fighting force. The death squads, linked to state structures either through active participation or tolerance, reached such a level of control that they went beyond the level of an isolated or marginal phenomenon to become an instrument of terror, which systematically practiced the physical elimination of political opponents. Many of the civilian and military authorities in power during the 1990s participated in, promoted and tolerated these groups activities. In spite of the fact that these still latent clandestine structures have not recently made their presence known, they could be reactivated at any time that those in high levels of power were to apprise that a dirty war could be resumed in Nigeria. Since these death squads constituted the element that destroyed any remaining vestige of a state of law during the armed conflict, Nigerian government should not only assume an alert and resolved attitude to prevent their resurgence, but also solicit international aid for their total and absolute era dication. In this process, two factors have become clear: first, some political parties accept and defend the ideal of a protected democracy, in which the armed forces have a significant role in the political system. Second, a characteristic of civil-military relations in the Nigerian democracy has been the generation of informal mechanisms to resolve central issues related to the military autonomy. The second way to analyze preferences is to focus on the level of elite unity about the role of the armed forces. Unified elite that rejects military intervention in politics may inhibit military intervention in politics, while a fragmented elite may permit the creation of anti-democratic coalitions between the armed forces and some sectors of civil society.   The Nigerian political transition began in 1998 when the principal parties opposing the dictatorship (Christian democrats, Activists, Radicals, and sundry agreed to participate in a constitutionally mandated plebiscite in which people had to decide whether Abachas government should continue for another eight years. Since that time, the political discourse of the transition has been dominated by some political principles that all actors have accepted, including the military actors. These principles are basic ideas that served as guidelines during the period of transition and later, during the establishment of democracy. Respect of the institutional framework. Although opposition parties rejected the Constitution that was imposed in 1993 by the military dictatorship, they accepted the framework it established. Therefore, the new democratic government had to apply norms that it had rejected in its program. For instance, IBBs government did not agree to the constitutional provision that permitted the commander-in-chief of the armed forces to remain in charge for eight additional years, but democratic authorities had to accept this constraint because it was part of the Constitution they swore to respect in 1993.Political leaders knew that citizens wanted a peaceful transition. Stability was (and still is) a central goal in the first and second democratic governments. As we will see later, the principle of stability often has been more important than other objectives such as justice, accountability, or responsibility. In conclusion Nigerian commanders in the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping mission in Liberia and Sudan have been linked to corruption. Their activities have ranged from black marketeering and running prostitution rings to actively abate it. Continuation of these practices within the ECOMOG peacekeeping mission worries this government, who fear that such behaviour could jeopardize the success of such mission in future. Clearly, the battle for democracy in Nigeria has not been won. It will take all the resourcefulness of the Nigerian people to overcome the crafty machinations of Nigerians military and sections of the clerical elite who have thrown their weight behind insurgency. For real democracy to take hold in Nigeria not only will the people of Nigeria have to fight the internal enemies of democracy, they will also have to overcome the crushing power of the military godfathers, who cynically subvert or stymie moves towards genuine democracy in Nigeria. REFERENCE: L.Chinedu Arizona-Ogwu Founder; Nigeria4betterrule, Writes from Oyigbo; Rivers State Nigerias democracy still fragile, US insists By Agency reporter, Published: Wednesday, 7 Apr 2010.

Growing Up in I Stand Here Ironing Essay -- American Literature Tillie

Growing up The oppression of women by society has never been a secret. Many times it has been documented in works of literature, and one classical example of this occurrence is "I Stand Here Ironing" by Tillie Olsen. This story illustrates the consequences of oppression in women's lives. The story leads the reader on an exploratory journey to witness the neglect by Emily's extremely guilty mother. This is described by the children's cry when they are left with strangers, lacking attention and love due to the fact she is a single parent at a time where this was not commonly accepted in the community, causing a lot of emotional distress. The mother's pain and torment is apparent from the very beginning of the story. Her realization that she could have been a better mother, had it not been for the circumstances and life events which occurred following Emily's birth, such as the father who dealt with his parental responsibility by leaving - "Her father left me before she was a year old. I had to work her first six years when there was work, or I sent her home and to his relatives" (Olsen, 373). The mother does, however, continually "shift" back and forth, as the metaphor of "ironing" implies, to invoke pity from the reader and explain that there were other people, and factors which played a significant role in Emily's upbringing. Purposely organized in a non chronological way, it illustrates the shifting, which is the passing back and forth of Emily emotionally (allowing the nursery, school teacher, and hospital staff play the primary care giver) and physically (the baby-sitter, the father's family, etc) distress. Emily's mother seems to be constantly blaming her troubles and circumstances for the less than adequate ... ...one or more of the five senses of the reader. In this short story, the author uses literal language to call up a mental picture in the reader's mind. In the last line of Emily's story her mother says, "Only help Emily to know... that she is more than this dress on the ironing board, helpless before the iron" (Olsen, 373). The image, ironing a dress, compares to actually raising a child. The dress represents the child, the iron is the child's parents and society, and the ironing board is their expectations. The theme this image conveys is that children grow up to become individuals as a result of their interaction with their parents and society, their experiences, and their own insight, not simply being "ironed" in to society's preconceived model. Work Cited Olsen, Tillie. "I Stand Here Ironing." The Story and It’s Writer. Ed. Ann Charters. Boston: Bedford, 1999.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse Essay

Alcoholism and drug abuse in the workplace or school can no longer be ignored by employers and institutions as they contribute to poor performances. Excessive use of alcohol and drugs leads to addiction, which is never addressed by most companies leading to a decrease in an employee’s morale. Drug usage and alcoholism may also make an employee behave inappropriately, disrupting a firm’s operations due to too much tension and frustrations. It also affects the relationship between employees and their clients, not forgetting the negative effect it has on the family that ends up changing how a worker performs at his or her place of work. Burroughs explains that, alcoholism causes an employee to miss work due to hangovers, a factor that causes disruptions at the place of work, causing employees to lose a lot of money. Drug abuse and alcohol reduces employee’s ability to concentrate at work, hence the inability to make right decisions. It also causes employees to produce low-quality jobs, lack of motivation and impaired skills. Employees can be laid off from their jobs or face disciplinary actions from their place of work due to alcoholism as most employees can not tolerate poor performance (2003). According to Wells, (2005), employees can assist employees with alcohol and drug addiction in establishing supportive programs such as Employee Assistance Programs. This program will give employees and their family members, referrals to available community resources and activities. Employers can also encourage employees to seek treatment and rehabilitation at the firm’s expense. Recovery will help employees to change as they feel valued by their organization. They will work on changing their behaviors to avoid disappointing the employer. Employees can seek treatment on their own to avoid the risk of losing jobs. In addition, it is important for employees to avoid bad companies that affect their behaviors’ and encourage the use of drugs and alcohol. It is important for employees to associate with non-alcoholics, to help them reduce bad drinking habits. References Walls, J. (2005). ‘The Glass Castle’, 2nd Edition, Scribner: New Jersey. Burroughs, A. (2003). ‘Dry’. 1st edition, St. Martins Press: New York. Source document

I Love You – Pushkin

â€Å"I Loved You† – Pushkin One of the most favorite subjects of Pushkin was love. â€Å"Love and friendship are popular subjects of the authors, and the reason that makes him happy and sad. The color of his poems, especially in love poem, is the beauty of humanity†, said Belinxki. One of the most famous poems of Pushkin is I Loved You. When he lived in Petersburg, Pushkin usually met people in love with art in the President of the academy of art’s house, and the most important reason was to meet daughter of the owner named A. A. Olenhia.In 1828, in summer, Pushkin proposed her, but she didn’t accept. In 1829, he composed a poem about this love. The poem can be divided into three sections such as showing his love, confirming his real love, and blessing for the girl that he loved. Love poems of Pushkin were from his real emotions and his own experiences. Therefore, he could show us the real emotions of human souls. â€Å"I Loved You† poem mad e a huge emotion because it showed spiritual values of human: the real love in each simple word. The chorus â€Å"I Loved You† is the main tone of the poem.In the beginning of the poem is the chorus â€Å"I loved you† that showed his real love from his faithful love. â€Å"I loved you† is just simple words, but they have important meaning and secret that he could talk in his poem. In the first four sentences, he confirmed that he was still in love with Olenhia. However, he wanted to step back because he didn’t want to annoy Olenhia. In the last four sentences, he showed the different levels of love, and he confirmed his faithful love for Olenhia: â€Å"I loved you; and perhaps I love you still, The flame, perhaps, is not extinguished; yet†The words slowly, love poems deep, discreet. An assertion together with a little consideration phase, cautious with the words â€Å"perhaps†, â€Å"not extinguished; yet†. Another version came with t he words â€Å"may† and â€Å"fire retain;† Using a negative term nature, â€Å"is not extinguished; yet,† the lyrical character expressed a love, a passion for bringing the look of quiet, persistent, lasting sign of emotion, of a faithful heart, not the spontaneous passion flashed and faded right there. And right after that, poetry sudden switch circuit: â€Å"It burns so quietly within my soul,No longer should you feel distressed by it. † The third sentence shows the calmness of reason, the pent-up emotions. The phrase â€Å"no longer† definitive emphasized: need to put out the fire of love, avoid for the girl to bother. Poetic as a word remind thought, a self-consciousness of his love and inner speech as well as a full tender, respectful with the girl’s soul. But behind the words calmly, properly was how feeling, how the nuances of love: the bitterness of destiny because if love does not bring happiness, joy that is so disturbed, sadness for the one you love, love should end.Love can stop for many reasons, but reason with full of gentle, respectful and noble like that, not all women can have it. If the first four verses, emotions tend to be repressed, was the dominant reason, in two verses later, the outpouring of emotion circuits, does not comply with the dictates of reason, confirmed a strong love not conceal and the chorus â€Å"I loved you† is repeated a second time: â€Å"Silently and hopelessly I loved you, At times too jealous and at times too shy. Breathing faster with the word â€Å"at times† was repeated two times, describes the state change love deeply, overwhelmed. Characters reveal frank lyrical soul: a love â€Å"Silently â€Å", â€Å"hopelessly†, has reaffirmed silent strokes, just strong people do not expect, likely bold new ethos this situation unilaterally. But even so, their love still occurs with all shades of eternity: silent suffering, joy, despair, timidity, jealousy t ormented.Two verses nature confessed to uncover the layers of emotional complexity that is the bottom of the deep human soul, after the crust of words calmly, calmly expressed through a vocative, looks quietly withdrew shy, through the sense of trying to suppress emotional compression, let’s say that your love not back off rather than being intense burning. The last two sentences also answers, flashed light up a humane values , a noble pose for the lovely man: â€Å"God grant you find another who will love youAs tenderly and truthfully as I. † The feeling which is cumulated is released and spurted out. The phrase â€Å"love you† is repeated the third time with an affirmation of the nature of this relationship sincere, fervid. In Russian the verb â€Å" love† always be unfinished tense; that means the flame in the author’s heart will be never off will be never fade. Sincere, fervid never fade was the root of this lofty love. That explains why lyrica l character had gentle manners, delicacy, cherish the one you love. Read also  Summary : Love Is Never SilentAnd in the end of the poem, the lyrical character had a holy blessing, forgiveness. The unrequited love which is always sadness, leads people become selfish, hatred. However, if that love comes from an honest, generous, kindness heart, even though being rejected, people are still able to have a magnanimous behavior. The poem describes a hopeless love, soak a sad tone, but above all is the strong and noble human heart with a love not bear fruit.Poetic language simple, clear, no rhetorical measures beyond language message â€Å"I love you ‘. The poetry of the poem exudes from the sincere emotion, pinned compressed, simple words but full of earnest, delicate but strong, loving noble as Belinxki once said: â€Å"Characteristics of poetry Pushkin is the ability to detect cases of human aesthetic sense and kindness, sense is infinite respect for human dignity as the son of man. †

International Business in Japan The WritePass Journal

International Business in Japan Abstract International Business in Japan ,  Ã‚   irle.berkeley.edu/workingpapers/188-09.pdf Katharina Niciejewska, (2007) The Influence of Social networks in Japanese business. Keiretsu as a Japanese Network. Auflage , Germany. Kunal Banerji PhD Rakesh B Sambharya, (1996), Vertical Keiretsu and international market entry: The case of the Japanese automobile ancillary industry, Journal of international business studies.   Vol 27, No 1. Lee Branstetter (2000), Vertical Keiretsu and Knowledge Spillovers in Japanese Manufacturing: An Empirical assessment, Journal of Japanese and International Economies , Vol 14, Issue 2, pg 73-104 Miwa, Yoshiro and J. Mark Ramsayer. 2006. The Fable of the Keiretsu: Urban Legends of the Japanese Economy. University of Chicago Press, 2006. Thayer Watkins, The Toyoto Group: The One and Only Horizontal and Vertical Keiretsu, [Online] San Jose State University, viewed Mar 9th 2012, sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/toyota.htm Timothy J Sturgeon, (2006), Modular Productions Impact on Japan’s Electronic industry, MIT, IPC Working papers series. Viewed Mar 10th 2012, http://web.mit.edu/ipc/publications/pdf/06-001.pdf

To determine the effect of flowrate on rate of heat transfer Essays

To determine the effect of flowrate on rate of heat transfer Essays To determine the effect of flowrate on rate of heat transfer Essay To determine the effect of flowrate on rate of heat transfer Essay A concentric tube or double pipe heat exchanger is one that is composed of two circular tubes. One fluid flows in the inner tube, while the other fluid flows in the annular space between the two tubes. In counter flow, the two fluids flow in parallel, but opposite directions. In parallel-flow the two fluids flow in parallel and in the same direction.Fig. (1)PROCEDURE:The work was carried out the lower exchanger of a pair of concentric tube heat exchange. The lower exchanger had water passing through the inner tube, being heated by steam which flows into the outer tube and condenses. The condensate usually returns to the steam boiler, but there was a sampling facility so it may be collected and timed to determine condensate flowrate.The water to the lower exchanger was turned on and the flow was set to the desired rate. The condensate return line was checked if it was open to drain (floor),then the stem was turned on to the lower exchanger and the pressure was set at 10 psig.The system was allowed to reach study state (when outlet temperatures no longer vary), then the water temperature in and out of the lower exchanger was measured, the steam temperature, the condensate temperature, the water flowrate and the condensate flowrate. The condensate flowrate was determined by measuring the time of collection of a know volume of condensate.The procedure was carried out foe six different cold water flowrates over a wide range of values; for each run was ensured that the study state has been reached before taking readings.THEORY:A major resistance to heat transfer from the hot steam to the cold water is due a stagnant layer of steam and water on the surface on each side of metal wall of the inner tube. If the flowrate of the cold water is increased, the cold water becomes more turbulent and the stagnant layer on the cold water side of the inner becomes thinner, thus reducing its resistance to heat transfer.An energy balance shows that, at study state.-Loss of heat from the hot steam, Qh= gain of heat by the cold water, QcFor the water side:QC=mc.Cpc. (Tc out Tc in) (1)For the steam side:Qh =mh.?v+mh.Cph. (Ts-Th out) . (2)Where mh can be calculated from mh = Fh* ?cAnd mc = Fc * ?cSymbols:-Cpc= specific heat capacity of cold water, J/kg.KCph= specific heat capacity of hot condensate, J/chg.Fc = volumetric flowrate of cold water, m3/sFh = volumetric flowrate of hot condensate, m3/smc = mass flowrate of cold water, kg/smh = mass flowrate of hot condensate, kg/sQc = energy gained by cold water, J/sQh = energy lost by steam, J/sTc in = temperature of cold water enteringTs = temperature of steam entering exchanger, KTh out = temperature of hot condensate leaving exchanger, K?v = latent heat of vaporisation of steam, J/kg?c = density of cold water, kg/m3?h = density of hot condensate, kg/m3RESULTS:The results which took in the laboratory:RunsCold water flowrate (Litters/min)Steam in temp.Steam out temp.Could water in temp.(C)Co uld water out temp.(C)Condensate flowrate (millilitres/min)1171131120.74118001840221131120.784128036003151131120.74120401680451121110.763136012805101131120.74814401566CALCULATION:Note:Conversion:(Litters/min) = (0.001/60) (m3/s)(Millilitres/min) = (0.000001/60) (m3/s)C= 273 KData given:Cpc = 4180 J/kg.KCph = 4220 J/kg.k?v =2.22 * 106 J/kg.k?c = 996 Kg/m3?h = 958 Kg/m3Fc (m3/s)Fh (m3/s)mc (kg/s)mh (kg/s)Ts (K)Th out (K)Tc in (K)Tc out (K)Qc (J/s)Qh (J/s)%3.33E-050.0000220.03320.02107638638528035710685.7546877.66125.7462238.33E-050.0000220.0830.02107638538428033619428.6446877.6682.79460750.0001670.0000250.1660.0239538638528032128449.0853270.0760.7470570.000250.0000310.2490.02969838638528031435387.8866054.8960.46169070.0002833.03333E-050.28220.02905933338638528031440106.2664634.3546.835865* To worked out the value of Qc we used equation ( 1), but first we must got the value of mc from this equation :mc = Fc * ?cTo get values of Fc we convert the values of cold water flowrate from (Litt ers/min) to (m3/s), after we did all that steps we can work out the value of Qc easily. (As we know the value of ?c and Cpc given)Example: (I used the first run in this example):Fc = 17 * (0.001/60) = 0.000283 (m3/s)mc=0.000283 * 996= 0.2822 kg/sQc =0.2822 * 4180 (314 280) = 40106.26 J/s* To worked out the value of Qh we used equation (2), but we had first to got the value of mh from this equation:mh = Fh* ?cTo get value of Fh we took the average of the condensate floweate values and then we converted it from (millilitres/min) to (m3/s).Example: (I used the first run in this example):Fh = (1800+1840)/2 * (0.000001/60) = 3.03333E-05(m3/s)mh=3.03333E-05 * 958 = 0.029059333 kg/sQh = 0.029059333*2.22 * 106 + 0.029059333 * 996 (386 385) =64634.35 J/sDISSCUSSING THE RESULT CONCOLUTION:* When the flowrate is increased the % difference between the energy lost by steam and the energy gained by cold water will decrease.* The relation between Qc and Fc is direct proportion, therefore to tran sfer heat faster, we must increase the flowrate.* The value of the % difference in the first run is 125.7, which I think it is wrong and that happened because the flowarete value was too small, and that make the value of Qc small as well, therefore the difference is high.